De-industrialization and the death of organized labour unions in Zimbabwe.

 

By Youngerson Matete and Edited by Prince Gora 

De-industrialization in Zimbabwe, post-independence phase

From being the second most industrialized country in Sub-Saharan Africa at independence in 1980, Zimbabwe’s economy has declined rapidly to a point where the country ranks among the poorest economic performers in the region. 

The three pillars which had underpinned the country’s vibrant economy, namely, agriculture, mining and manufacturing, have suffered greatly from poor government policy choices, resulting in the near collapse of each of the sectors and massive unemployment.

 As a result, an estimated 90% of the Zimbabwean population was unemployed as of 2015(UN) and was forced to make out a living in the informal sector, mostly through vending of second-hand clothes and other basic items. With regard to the manufacturing sector specifically, the sector had all but collapsed by 2015 (UN), as companies either folded or relocated to escape the country’s harsh economic climate. This article will focus much more on the effects of de-industrialization to organized labour unions. As the rest of the world celebrates or commemorates the international worker's day. It is important to look at the decline of trade unionism in Zimbabwe.

The history of trade unions  during  colonialism in Zimbabwe

The first form of trade unionism in Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) was when the white workers formed their own trade unions in the mines and railways sectors from 1916 onwards. These trade unions were always divided from their fellow black workers by racist ideology and self-serving interests, though it should be noted that both sets of workers did clash with their employers. 

Black consciousness took the form of burial societies, dance, religious organisations and mutual aid societies in compounds after the First World War. The Rhodesia Chamber of Mines claimed that the associations were the basis of labour movements. According to (Raftopoulos, 1997) the compound associations were indeed logical precursors of a trade union movement, though they never quite managed to fulfil their promise despite being in existence in various forms between 1918 and 1933. The first big threat to black mine workers in the compounds and the administration was The Church of the Watch Tower, which was against the Pass Law, taxation and the end of colonial domination.

The church attracted a strong following amongst workers at Wankie Colliery and this caused unease in the mines management which enlisted the help of the Native commissioner so as to banish the leader of the Church Prophet Nyasulo from the mine in 1924.5. The colonial era saw the formation of trade unions like the Industrial Commercial Workers Union (ICU), Rhodesia Mine and General Workers Association (RMGWA), Rhodesia Railway Workers Union (RRWU), The Rhodesia Railways African Employees’ Association (RRAEA), The Federation of Bulawayo African Workers’ Union, Reformed Industrial and Commercial Union, Southern Rhodesia.

The rise of trade union in Zimbabwe

Prior to the creation of the state of Zimbabwe official trade unions in Rhodesia were largely controlled by the white minority and worked to preserve the economic privilege of white workers over the black majority. While trade unions representing the black majority workforce did exist, their activities were hampered by the racially discriminatory Rhodesian government. Trade union membership increased rapidly following the establishment of majority-rule government in 1980, and reached approximately 200,000 in 1985 (ILO). The number of strikes and industrial disputes also increased dramatically, against the wishes of the new government. It was to combat this trend that the government established the ZCTU, as well as promising the introduction of a minimum wage and limited industrial democracy. 

The initial leadership of the ZCTU was politically closely associated with the government, and was dismissed in 1984 for corruption. Their replacements (following a period of caretaker administration) were also found to be corrupt, with the General Secretary removed for misappropriating funds in November 1986. The direction of the ZCTU changed dramatically after the appointment of Jeffrey Mutandare, of the Associated Mineworkers' Union. Mutandare was much more willing than previous leaders to criticise government policy, including the new Labour Relations Act of 1985, which he claimed centralised control over the trade union movement in the Ministry of Labour.

 In the 1990s the ZCTU grew increasingly opposed to the government of Robert Mugabe due to the government's pursuit of neoliberal economic policies, as well as perceived government corruption and authoritarianism. At its 1995 Congress the ZCTU launched a major economic policy statement, 'Beyond ESAP', criticising the Mugabe government's adoption of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP). The ESAP involved the introduction of neoliberal macroeconomic policies, at the encouragement of the World Bank and IMF. The ZCTU was the main force behind the formation of the opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, established in 1999. The then Secretary-General of the ZCTU, Morgan Richard Tsvangirai, later became the President of the MDC.

The ZCTU was formed on February 28, 1981 through the merger of six trade union centres: African Trade Union Congress (ATUC), the National African Trade Union Congress (NATUC), the Trade Union Congress of Zimbabwe (TUCZ), the United Trade Unions of Zimbabwe (UTUZ), the Zimbabwe Federation of Labour (ZFL) and the Zimbabwe Trade Union Congress (ZTUC). The ZCTU was established by the ruling party, ZANU-PF, with the aim of reducing industrial disputation, and improving the influence of the government over the union movement. 

The fall of trade union in independent Zimbabwe 

In the context of the deepening economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe from the late 1990s, the labour movement emerged as a key focus of both opposition mobilization and state repression. In the political narratives that emerged, the labour movement was caught between conflicting positions. On the one hand, the authoritarian nationalist and selective redistribution politics of the ruling party cast the movement as an agent of ‘regime change’. On the other, and in addition to its desire for a more equitable social contract on the economy, the labour movement cast itself as in pursuit of its long-held goals of political autonomy, civic participation, human rights, and broader democratic accountability of the state. 

 In its pursuit of these goals, the trade unions faced major hurdles. These included persistent state coercion, the decimation of their membership pursuant to the rapid informalization of the economy from the early 2000s, the depletion of funding, internal divisions, and questions around their continued relevance as workers lost confidence in a predictable vision of the future. As in much of the global economy, trade unions in Zimbabwe had to confront the growing indeterminacy of their organizational future. These questions remain a central challenge for one of the great organizational legacies of the anti-colonial struggles. The major contributor to the decline of trade unionism in Zimbabwe was the closure of industry. 

The effects of de-industrialization to organized labour unions  

The period 1990-96 was dominated by the discarding of Socialism and adoption of the neo-liberal policy ESAP which was prescribed by the IMF and World Bank. The policy of ESAP called for trade liberalisation, devaluation of the local currency, fiscal and monetary policy reforms, public enterprise reforms, budget deficit reduction, deregulation of investment, labour and price controls, cost recovery measures in social services and ending of subsidies and the retrenchments in both the public and private sectors. 

By 1995, 50 000 permanent workers had lost their jobs as well as a large number of contract workers. The areas most affected were the textiles, clothing, engineering, transport and retailing sectors. The land reform program worsened the situation. The farms which had become the major source of employment after the introduction of ESAP were invaded removing white farmers who were productive. By the year 2015 more than 80% of Zimbabweans were not unemployed.  As more and more people continue to lose their jobs, the more the labour union lost membership. The decrease in numbers of subscribed membership brought in new economic and political challenges to the labour union in Zimbabwe. It made difficult for labour unions to effectively organize as they became technically insolvent and had no enough grassroots network to rely on. In contrast to the 90s were trade unions could organize and lead massive stay away and strikes.

The effects of dropping of membership to organized labour unions

Due to the decrease in number of subscribed members, it became difficult for the labour movements in Zimbabwe to organize. Increasingly, the labour union became a “boardroom” organization which exists only in the offices of the leaders but lacking the grassroots network or structures to fully function. That even if they call for stay away or strike of any nature on many occasions it failed because they no longer have that grassroots network to tap into. 

The loss of membership also led to the decrease in financial capacity for the labour union in Zimbabwe. The labour union in Zimbabwe relied heavily on membership subscriptions to drive their planning. As more and more people continued to lose their jobs, subscription began to drop. This heavily impacted on the financial base of the labour unions that they became insolvent. The lack of financial resources made it extremely difficult for the labour movement to execute their programming. The labour union became heavily incapacitated to carry out effective organizing. In short, the labour union became broke that it couldn’t afford to pay its workers let alone to do any activity.

The weaponization of unemployment by employees to curtail effective labour organizing

As more and more industry closes, it became increasingly difficult to secure employment in Zimbabwe. Many employers began to exploit the situation and use it against union leaders. Union leaders became targets of unfair suspensions and dismissals. This scared away many people from joining labour unions. Many leaders of labour unions began to lose their jobs because of their activism. 

Employers began to utilize or weaponize unemployment to curtail effective organizing by labour unions. Unemployment became a tool and weapon in the hands of the employers which they used to intimidated employees who became part of worker’s union at work place. They used it to supresses employee voices. 

The failure to attract new members by the labour unions 

As more and more people lose their jobs, it became increasingly difficult for labour unions to recruit more members to join worker’s union. Many companies were closing, the few that remained operating were not hiring. This shrinked the base of labour unions to recruit more members. Unemployment rates also made it a bit difficult for many people who are employed to join labour unions in Zimbabwe as if one loses their job because of activism it becomes difficult if not impossible to get another job.

If any organization can’t rebirth itself, the end of such an organization is death. There is need for organization to continuously renew themselves by recruiting new members. The labour unions struggle to recruit new members because of massive unemployment and its weaponization by employers. This subsequently led to the death or decline of effective labour union organizing in Zimbabwe. 

The emergency of the informal sector. 

After a sharp increase in unemployment in Zimbabwe, many people began to move to informal sector in Zimbabwe. Many people began to do vending in streets as a way of earning a living in Zimbabwe. The streets became their employees. This meant that one can only earn if they work. If they skip a day, they will not get anything, that is the law of the streets. This means the old tactics used by labour unions can not work in such a setup.   

Its not possible to ask people who are engaged in vending to embark on a strike. After a strike people will need to put food on the table. The emergency of the informal sector made it extremely difficult for labour unions to organize.

In conclusion, although the increase of unemployment in Zimbabwe is an embarrassment to ZANU-PF. It has made it easier for them to maintain a grip on power as labour unions can no longer effectively organize in Zimbabwe. Although, there are some who are still pushing the agenda of workers there have been affected by closure of industry that have limited their growth.

 There is no longer collective bargaining as it now each men for himself. We are all fighting to put food on the table using various ways that its difficult to put hands together as we are now all pre-occupied by our individual needs and wants. It is however, important that as vendors of this land we united because labour is not working currenttly. Hustling has no pension and its not sustainable. 

 

Youngerson Matete is a pro-democracy and Human Rights activist, a student of Political Science. He is the founder of Project Vote 263, a youth-led initiative to foster inclusive participatory democracy in Zimbabwe. He writes in his own capacity. His views doesn't not represents any organisation.

Cell : +263 773 622 044

Email: youngmatete0@gmail.com/ director@projectvote263.org.zw